We Can’t Un-Ring the Bell: Sanders’ Ideas are Here to Stay

To dream the impossible dream.


To convince poor, undereducated, socially conservative white males to stop voting against their own interests, to spark in them the temerity to question the lie of laissez-faire corporatism to which they have been so long been gavaged that it has become a part of their mental furniture.

To ignite that single sickly synapse toward a single simple thought: What if the GOP pandering, sloganeering Orwellian economic doublespeak somehow wasn’t true? The horror.

We’ve all seen the Facebook posts from our conservative friends: the problem with socialism is eventually you run out of other people’s money; taxing the job producers will make us all poor; if you vote left you’re not thinking right; I’d rather be a conservative nut job than a liberal with no nuts and no job, ad nauseam. Empty platitudes passed off as wisdom.

But the hard seed of truth may have finally germinated. Whether it will be choked out by the weeds of failed economic ideology remains to be seen, but I doubt it.

Many conservatives are now openly wondering whether or not free market capitalism in its uniquely American form is really a good thing for the working man and woman. And one need not tread too deep into the thistles of economic theory or read Krugman and Reich, or for that matter Piketty. Growing wealth inequality, growing income inequality, the evaporating middle class, and our political transmogrification from a representative democracy into a plutocracy, is all over us, palpable like an infected boil turning necrotic, no longer confined to a remote academic debate or a partisan pundit’s table. No longer sequestered, no longer able to hide behind the anecdotal stories of bootstrap entrepreneurs moving from yokeldom to yachtsdom. Those happily-propagated myths are mostly a century old, and reality has caught up. We’re living in the world of Augie March. And we know it.

We see it in our neighbor’s faces, the forced smiles and tired-distant stares of people half-engaged in banal small talk about the weather, but really preoccupied with credit card bills, of making the rent payment, of getting kids into college, and increasingly often, food on the table. People who have voted Republican their whole lives and are now reassessing Reaganesque coming-of-age political dogmas. People who hated Bill Clinton for staining a dress are now uneasily waxing nostalgic about the no-deficit upwardly-mobile Clinton economy, before crowdsourcing and the replacement of humans by robots.

The power of conservative rhetoric and outright sophistry may have met its limit, the convincing right wing legerdemain finally encountering a wall constructed from the concrete of empirical fact and the rebar of personal experience. You can only for so long tell people that the earth is flat before they start wondering why it appears, at the very least, curved. The sad thing is that this took so long, that things had to get so bad, that telling wasn’t enough, showing wasn’t enough, that actually experiencing dystopia up close and personal was needed. It took working two jobs and still qualifying for SNAP to convince us of the truth that book learning could not.

Are these wishful musings of a progressive? Perhaps. But Bernie Sanders is leading Hillary Clinton in recent New Hampshire polling, and closing the gap in other states as well. That’s not surprising. Nor is it surprising that Sanders has grown increasingly popular among the conservative punditry, undoubtedly for ulterior motives having to do with Hillary, and the misguided belief that he couldn’t win the general election. What is surprising, however, is that Sanders is beginning to poach conservative votes. So far the evidence is mostly spotty, but one might expect that to change if the current trajectory continues.

Few now think that our trickle-down economic model (either by design or chance, take your pick) is working for the middle class and the poor. The conservative argument that if you just free the market from regulation, let it turn its swag on, and lower taxes for the “job creators” then all would be right with the world. This perfidious view has had a century to take root, to prove itself, and it has failed, demonstrably. Wall Street capitalism has been touted by the right and, at the very least, tolerated by the neoliberal left, but the evidence is in, and in hillbilly vernacular, “That dog just won’t hunt.”

The common view is that Sanders’ populism is the left’s version of Trump’s, and that both will fade. The chance of that happening seems small. The rise of Sanders and Trump, and their apparent staying power, are here to get used to, for very different reasons.


Trump’s populism is of the basest kind: the roots derive nourishment from the self-serving cognitive biases of tribalism and hyper-nationalism. Foisting our anxiety upon the great unwashed underclass for our self-made troubles, packaging fear as policy, is an easy sell. It requires little thought and no analysis. Sanders’ populism, however, feeds not upon the empty calories of shameless pseudo-dangers and hectoring, but rather hard facts; facts that are easily demonstrable in everyday American life.

Horse-race political pundits may dismiss both Sanders and Trump, but keep in mind that they’re wrong most of the time.

True, money is king in American politics. But don’t count-out reason just yet. I’m sanguine by nature. If Bernie Sanders does not become our next president, so be it. He’s already changed the debate. And he’s not done it by way of hyperbole or the cult of personality or Ben Carson-like fumfering barely-intelligible outworn slogans. He’s done it by reasoned argument. He’s done it by pointing out what should have been obvious. He has opinions and ideas to be sure, but unlike his opponents’, they are based on verifiable fact, and not psychologically comforting mythology.

The “class warfare” meme of Fox News is waning. Socialism still carries an underserved stigma, still carries with it an unnatural conflation with communism, still triggers an negative emotional response with conservatives, but it  is no longer tantamount to the F-word (France). What most conservatives don’t realize, of course, is that we’re already a quasi-socialist country. The social security system, for example, is overtly socialist: if you receive more than you paid into the Social Security Trust fund, which you likely will, you’re a socialist. If you pay property taxes but don’t have kids enrolled in your local public school, you’re a socialist. The list of socialist programs is long and obvious. And the rich, along with corporations, like the system the way it is. They take advantage of not only special tax breaks, loopholes, and subsidies, but also the working poor: public assistance for the laboring classes lets corporations get away with paying a lower than living wage. On the backs of taxpayers.

If a paradigm shift is to occur in our body politics’ collective thinking about economic policy, now is the time. Putting off the inevitable by electing a “safe” candidate will surely result in our further, perhaps endemic, decline as a nation, as a civilization.

And that sea change is already happening. There is a growing grassroots movement, led by Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, among others, challenging the obvious: trickle-down economics doesn’t work for the poor and middle class, in fact, money doesn’t trick down at all, it concentrates at the top, and when top earners make more, it actually slows the economy. What we need is a trickle-up model, where actual living wages are paid to workers, who then spend that money within the economy, creating more demand, and more jobs. Suffering, always having had a voice, is finally being heard.


© 2015 by Glen Olives.

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Glen Olives Thompson is a Professor of North American Law at La Salle University in Chihuahua, Mexico. He is a graduate of Southwestern Law School in Los Angeles and California State University, Chico. He writes on a broad range of topics for newspapers and magazines as well as publishing academic research in journals within the areas of law and public policy.